Entrevista al abogado y autor del libro La Mala Educación. El abogado constitucionalista, uno de los grandes defensores de una asamblea constituyente para. El sistema educativo chileno se encuentra en crisis debido a la desigualdad origi – nada por una .. Atria () es probablemente quien mejor sintetiza este proceso de segregación en Chile que ha “la pregunta debe ser aquí si la selección es buena o mala –adecuada o no– en relación .. Atria, Fernando. La mala. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Atria, Fernando. La mala educación. Santiago, Chile: Catalonia. Atria, Fernando, Guillermo Larrain, José Miguel.
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This text, having the characteristics of an essay, is contextualized in the political scene of the present day Chilean society which has left behind the ghosts of dictatorship. This society can debate critical questions regarding its social organization, essentially referring to the field of educational which has been from beginning of this millennium the critical subject of notable social movements.
The debates are situated at a strategically important point: Taking this into consideration, the key points in dispute are exposed and possible ways to follow up are here described. Sinceeducational issues have had an important and growing presence in Chilean politics, reflecting the debates of a society experiencing strong tensions in several key areas related to its future. Due to criticism of the effects of an educational market model implemented ingenerating drawdowns related to political design despite some corrections from a democratic process, a great deal of social dissatisfaction remains.
The presidential campaign of and a shift in the political orientation of the government beginning in March offrom right to left-center, has given some citizens hope of better times to come. However, the issue has deeper roots, namely: The political debates on education have centered around this dilemma, highlighting the many nuances that have yet to be considered as well as specific examples to be analyzed in a comprehensive case study. Student movements in and are milestones and essential considerations for the future of educational policy and public education in Chile.
These occurrences, their breadth and depth, are the subject of many texts, writings, research, etc. Although an analysis of the trajectory of key issues in educational policy could span back to the beginning of the new millennium, the social crisis of exemplifies clearly what Burton called the period of “limited representation.
As stated by Corvalanthe convergence of many of the “stories” about the educational problem: It is within the Advisory Council that education as an instrument of equality in unequal societies is discussed, including the State’s responsibility to provide access to education and educational content, as well as changes or innovations such as the self-limitation of state action as provider, the transfer of powers to private actors and profit.
Héctor A. Morales Zúñiga | Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez –
Transformations of scale are also mentioned, namely the redefinition of the relationship between state and society regarding educational provision through the passing of institutions once based in the central State to the fernado of the market Corvalan, Thus is the ferrnando stage” of national education policy Burton,being the turning point that opens the door for the stage of “limited representation” to date.
This is understood as the overt expression of tensions that were unrecognized and unresolved before being mentioned to the Council ayria, during the “democracy of the agreements” which neutralized these tensions and maintained political and social stability. These tensions, manifesting themselves with new vigor, divided political and social groups based on three primary areas of atgia The social movement of was largely sustained by factors related to free education including tertiary.
Educafion relevance attained by both social processes and their incremental impact on the political agenda to date has given us a glimpse of a massive transformation, which could reach paradigmatic proportions, wtria education -beginning in has become the unifying axis of the unfinished social process which has attracted greater public attention. Social movements around education, as that ofquestioned “the market” as the great organizer of the educational system.
However as one issue was cornered, another replaced it as the new articulator of social relations. The fact that in Chile education is considered a commodity to be distributed fernanfo to market rules is far more difficult to address than the initially anticipated problem.
It was not enough to reduce the market to a network of relationships, because as a social phenomenon it is a maze of complex networks affected by various political, economic, religious and philosophical enclaves built over the course of three decades of hegemonic operation.
Advancing critical positions in the market and the search for a new paradigm under which to organize and distribute education, the defendants of neoliberalism abandoned an open defense of the market as a guarantor of efficiency and freedom. They instead held on to the contrary – that the Chilean education system does not work as a market, seeing education as being recognized in the constitution as a educqcion Art. That is to say that society the State provides education to those who are not able or willing to pay, which would be sufficient to demonstrate that it is not on edcuacion market.
Despite this reasoning being incorrect, it is currently politically unacceptable that one who can not afford to pay be left without an education. For certain within the market scheme they who aspire to educacjon higher quality must pay for it. Each person can pay for the education they want, different “qualities of education” being traded openly in the market.
Thus, paying a higher price for receiving a better education is what has been called to question, for which market advocates have no other answer than the one indicated.
Conservative groups, clinging to the slogan “public education is of poor quality,” argue that the solution is not to change the system of educational provision, but to improve the quality of education that is offered for free.
Fundamentalists do not acknowledge the ways in which “quality education” is traded in the market. The neoliberal argument ignores that by not having different qualities of education, the market would become meaningless. Making the market attractive to investors and families who choose to pay requires the establishment of a minimum quality provision for the poorest segment of society. In this context, the conservatives fail to respond to the questions of how reasonable and just an educational system that guarantees only a minimum, in which a student receives only the education that their family can afford to purchase in the market, can be.
According to Sandelthe dilemma has two aspects: This considering that Chile represents an extreme version of neoliberalism, in which the market is responsible for distributing virtually all types of goods. In this context, following the demands of the social movements of and and their impacts on the political agenda, one might think with a degree of illusion that a significant and well articulated social change was coming in education.
This change would ultimately involve a paradigmatic transformation of the Chilean state, based on a new relationship between itself and its citizens, replacing the aim of market-driven profit maximization with a supportive relationship.
Thus changes are sought, but involved in the implementation are technical, regulatory and financial elements to creating a public policy proposal that seeks to create a society with greater rights for all citizens. In the meantime the conservative argument in this matter was evolving, unforeseen during the euphoric days of the social movement ofand demonstrating that neoliberalism is far from its “extinction.
It is difficult to implement this transformation solely in education without considering other key sectors. In addition, the market requires only a few simple principles to operate while its replacement involves a more elaborate network in order to function, including greater political agreement on founding principles.
Many of the slogans produced by the social movements in consideration were not sufficient to guide its implementation. For this reason the discriminating price structure is emphasized, as the contribution from schools is low. Despite the discussions, it is evident that a delegitimization of the market was not enough to cause its collapse.
Many of the expected proponents of the market have come to its defense secular and religious businessmen, politicians and leaders of the private sector as well as the unexpected, namely some families of the “emerging middle class sectors,” demanding their right to pay for education.
Demanding the possibility of buying in the educational marketplace, claiming they do not have an interest in a system that ensures a higher quality free education, they have no confidence in the state or society: One criticism of the movements of and is that the model did not reach the degree of strength and coordination required to break the power networks built by neoliberalism. Its weakness as a social movement would have begun when demands for education were reduced 4 Oct.
In this last period there are changes in language, inflection and content between the first announcement from the government and those that followed, each time increasingly attenuated, having more consensus with power groups and making less reference to the original slogans of the social movements 5. It has become clear that the thematic linking of parties with social movements was intended to make reforms to the model rather than to change it, integrating diverse social actors without first delineating the entirety of a social project.
In this way the issue was reduced to one of the education sector only, and not of the social decision on how to distribute different goods considered to be public Sandel, In this context, proreform advocates have been losing strength, clarity and dynamism.
La mala educación: Ideas que inspiran al movimiento estudiantil en Chile by Fernando Atria
These aspects, together with the counterargument presented by conservatives to reduce the issue of public education to its limited scope cernando not that of the existence of the market as a whole, showed the educadion of the daily behavior and awareness of the people.
Understanding that the debate on strengthening public education involves defining the significance of the changes and determining relevant strategies and measures for its implementation. The case in analysis, however, does not follow this formula.
Rather politics are mixed with the feasibility of certain changes, without having carried out a discussion on the core of the subject. This in turn may call into question the paradigm shift and provoke another social upheaval. Improving the market initially reduces tension between the ruling powers in various fields, while a paradigm shift certainly creates a greater degree of uncertainty.
The first is a clear path to carry out corrective measures, with an emphasis on the public institution delving into the socioeconomic components of the population and its impact on educational services educacon with certain regulations for the private sector.
The second is more profound, redefining education as a social right, which translates to “being a citizen” as sufficient reason for providing it.
This is what market advocates do not accept as it literally signifies its disappearance. Under the umbrella of social rights, this is a public issue as everyone is entitled to the same privileges. A system ought to be organized to meet that goal based on the “richness of society” expressed in the financial resources capable fefnando assigning fernandoo a task Atria, This public debate has not taken mwla nuances into consideration.
The Government has promoted two strategic pathways which initially point to market corrections, but viewed closer may involve more than that. The first pathway is directed at the private sector that receives public funding, with some significant modifications to their actions; the second aims directly at strengthening the public. Proposals to reform “the market model” at the school level. The focus in this area relates to the private sector that receives public funding, which in Chile makes up a large percentage of student enrollment.
The debate is not whether or not the private sector should exist, nationalization being politically infeasible as well as not being the central problem, but centered rather around education being distributed under market rules. Therefore, what is targeted is to supplement currently lacking measures to regulate providers of education receiving public funds, considering the rights and duties of public education. The sense of freedom of education in Chile is that not all education is provided by the state.
This does not mean that one may teach what they want under any standard. Freedom of education must consider educational projects from the civil society in their various expressions while maintaining a sense of consistency Atria, This is not the current problem, and contributes to deviate attention away from the fact that education is organized in Chile under market criteria. What is sought by the proposed changes is a reformation of the Chilean education system, to one in which education is a right for all citizens and is no longer treated as a commodity.
Beyond the proposal developed by the current government, which speaks to changes rather than reform efucacion being named as one of the major reforms MB Program,are the fi rst legislative initiatives addressing citizenship in relation to the educational debate.
Feuc y Cones exigen a alcaldes que se pronuncien sobre presupuesto para liceos
Some themes approached in these initiatives include the eduacion of the private sector, gratuitous education understood as a system of copay for families, and the end of the selection process of students as well as profit in the educational sector.
The principle of free lw 6 is closely associated with equal access and educational processes, and must be understood in terms of these objectives. In the case of Chile, gratuity is foundational to the vision of atira as a social right and is a manner in which to achieve equality of opportunity and rights in the society. Replacing the copay system for families, less so for the entrepreneur who would be seeking those funds educacoon the same State, is rather because it is no longer an efficient instrument for the selection of students, the reinforcement of discrimination and social exclusion Educavion et al.
Secondly, the copayment system or “Financiamiento Compartido” 7 has been an important instrument in the funding of private schools, which is why the proposal also involves its gradual elimination. It is also possible to generate fernaando externalities by fednando management costs of this system. The debate has been extremely idealized as opposition groups have described opportunities as a persecution of freedom of education, which is not consistent with facts and circumstances.
The business sector has responded to the initiative that the proposed measures do not represent a relevant financial issue, but for gratuity to be effective in this way, private institutions would be obligated to receive all students regardless of their vulnerability.
This would create a decline in school performance in the medium term ,ala well as a migration of students to other institutions, producing a “social mix” generate by non-selection. These factors would affect well-specified power groups who seek to prevent the elimination of copayment.
In addition, it could atrria have negative impacts in the short term for the public sector, as copayment as acted as a barrier to non-migration for those who those wishing for that option yet are not able to pay, thus remaining in public education. Eliminating this obstacle could result in a migratory phenomenon in public education. For this reason, it is required to strengthen as well public education in the short term to reduce this unwanted effect. As stated, the principle of free education is closely associated with equal access and educational processes, and for Chile are key issues as universal coverage is achieved with the indicated provisions – which does not imply equality in education 8.
Therefore it is a dimension that must be addressed, as if not implemented it would have a negative impact educcaion the most vulnerable segment of the population. Closely related to the above is student selection, as it has implications both for social segregation as well as that of profit for businesses with access to public resources 9.
It is well known that these restrictions have not prevented a significant number of private schools and some public schools from selecting students During the time that the Organic Law of Education Fernanod was effective, from March of to August ofthis process was facilitated in private institutions while at the same time being prevented in public ones.
This guaranteed the legitimacy of the selection made by private schools while reducing an eventual social conflict in the absence of ferhando a rule. For this reason, it is key for entrepreneurs to maintain it either overtly or covertly as operational criteria as it allows private institutions to charge higher tuition based on academic results.